Saturday, August 18, 2007

Secure in Afghanistan


Actually there is little security in that country, although hopes remain high that security may eventually be possible. And toward which purpose the UN-sanctioned presence of NATO troops in that country are striving to do their utmost to obtain.

Unfortunately, not all of NATO-committed troops want to be in those areas in the south, adjoining the border with Pakistan because it's fraught with the most immediate kind of danger thanks to the resurgent Taliban.

Nor are the non-NATO contributing nations to the peace-keeping mission there any more eager than their NATO counterparts to post their troops in the seething provinces of Kandahar and Helmand. Tripping the light fantastic through the contributing countries, their regular and reserve army strengths and the percentage deployed in Afghanistan one readily comes to the conclusion that there is little enthusiasm among the committed.

Of the countries whose troops are present, of the 25 NATO countries only a handful stand out for committing significantly representative numbers of their total troop strengths to this vital mission.

Omitting those countries whose percentile participation falls into the 1% and below levels, there is the United States at 5%, the United Kingdom at 6%, Norway at 3%, the Netherlands at 6%, Lithuania at 2%, Estonia at 4%, Denmark at 3%, and finally Canada at 10% of their total troop strengths.

Similarly, of the 11 non-NATO troop contributing countries those whose participation falls at 1% or lower excluded, there remains New Zealand at 4%, and Australia at 3% of their respective countries' total troop commitment relative to the size of their regular and reserve contingents.

It's understandable that countries like the United States with a combined troop strength of 1,199,000 and the United Kingdom with a combined troop strength of 205,000 would have 25,000 (5%) and 6,500 (6) respectively of their troops stationed in Afghanistan since they're actively engaged in Iraq battling Islamist terrorists there, with far greater representation in that theatre.

Canada, with its paltry total regular army of 20,000 and reserves of 17,000 - not involved in Iraq - with a contribution of 2,000 troops at 10% is stretched to the limit. The fact that Canadian troops have been stationed in volatile Kandahar province (as are Netherlanders troops, relatively newly deployed there) places them directly in the line of danger.

Which accounts for the sixty-six Canadian soldiers (and one diplomat) who have been killed since 2002. The last six months has seen a sizeable uptick in Canadian deaths, accounting for twenty-two soldiers having been killed as a result mostly of IEDs (improvised explosive devices set by roadsides) or suicide-bomb attacks, both of which are increasing.

Canadian and other troops are busy training the Afghan National Army, to bring it up to useful strength, to train recruits and to help arm them. With the hope that in the near future troops of other armies may gradually withdraw, leaving the regular Afghan army to look to their country's security.

Only yesterday the chief of Zhari district was killed in Kandahar City by a suicide bomber laden with an explosives vest. In the blast, three of his children were killed and two others injured. Because of reluctance on the part of contributing countries' governments to place their nationals in immediate danger, the most troublesome area of the country is exactly where support is lowest.

The Taliban have slipped back into areas of the southern provinces where it was formerly thought they had been routed and their numbers have increased, along with their determination. Attacks have increased elevenfold in the last few years.

Security will continue to remain elusive until and unless greater numbers of foreign troops are committed to these troubled areas; until and unless Pakistan becomes capable of offering more resistance to the presence of al-Qaeda and the Taliban in their mountainous tribal regions; until and unless Afghans themselves become fully determined enough to fight for their own rights and freedoms.

Which would mean a sea change in the social order of endemic corruption, from parliamentarians to police.

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