Sunday, November 25, 2007

Annapolis: Diversion or Final Opportunity?

While it's anyone's guess whether or not the Annapolis convention will end up being an exercise in futility, a last-ditch effort at hauling the irreconcilable toward a solution painful, but eventually workable to both solitudes' benefit, the principles themselves don't hold out much hope for success. So why should the invited guests? And why should a world weary of so many past failures, grinding on seemingly forever, through one repeat after another of threats and violence?

Israel's current Minister of Defence has been there, done that. Actually in the process of being there in 2000, preparing to give much while receiving scant assurances. Despite which, throughout weeks of mind-numbing negotiations and hope, the other protagonist simply walked away from the table, launching the Middle East into yet another orgy of violence. What does this say for Palestinian negotiators, purporting to speak on behalf of the entitlements and aspirations of the Palestinian people?

That seared deep into their psyches is an actual inability to come to terms not entirely of their singular control and direction? And that to submit to a process whereby each side must control their deep desires for triumph and prepare to meet an adversary halfway goes counter to cultural, tribal tradition and is therefore unacceptable? A psychosis of denial, revenge, blame, victimhood leading to rejection of offers of compromise, lest it be viewed as total capitulation.

Hamas sits in Gaza, like a great heated lump of vengeance awaiting yet another opportunity to launch itself into a final oppositional surge of bloodlust. There is nothing, in fact, that the PA's Fatah can offer at the bargaining table, for the demands of the Palestinians are set in stone; these are pre-conditions, that East Jerusalem be handed over, some six million or so Palestinian returnees enter Israel's boundaries, that firm 1967 borders exclude Israeli settlements.

And even were those conditions to be finally accepted by a wearily defeated Israel, anxious for an end to attacks and some semblance of normalcy for its populace, the peace treaty's adjunct requirements that violent attacks against Israel cease cannot be guaranteed. They are, in fact, guaranteed to continue, even to accelerate. Ismail Haniyeh, no part of the peace bargaining, grimly promises that as a reality for future consumption.

Six decades of unremitting terror, of war against civilians on both sides is evidently not seen as enough sacrifice in the interests of absorbing the entire State of Israel into a larger Palestinian presence. After Yasser Arafat rejected the Camp David offer, promising nothing, but producing a bloody intifada, even the 2002 Beirut summit where Arab nations constructed a formula for peace, insisted the PA must end suicide attacks on Israel first.

The two sides have issued a general preamble putting on the table an ideal promise: "We express our determination to bring an end to the bloodshed, suffering and decades of conflict between our people, to usher in a new era of peace based on freedom, security, justice, dignity, respect and mutual recognition and to propagate a culture of peace and non-violence. We affirm that peace can only be reached through historic reconciliation and the resolution of all outstanding issues by peaceful means in realization of the legitimate regional aspirations and self-determination..."

Wonderfully worded, with promise for peace inherent in its humanitarian declaration of intent. Philosophically, the construction of the statement cannot be faulted; it is in everyone's interest to follow through, to finally reach a purposeful and final settlement by which each party will feel it has done its best for those reliant upon them for the future. Where is the political will to bring the promise to reality? What authority will tame the wild tribal bloodlust of the terrorists?

If security and safety of civilian populations cannot be accomplished, then what else can?

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