Friday, March 26, 2010

Imperious Condescension

Letter from members of Congress

Dear Secretary Clinton:
We are writing to reaffirm our commitment to the unbreakable bond that exists between our country and the State of Israel and to express to you our deep concern over recent tension. In every important relationship, there will be occasional misunderstandings and conflicts.
The announcement during Vice President Biden's visit was, as Israel's Prime Minister said in an apology to the United States, "a regrettable incident that was done in all innocence and was hurtful, and which certainly should not have occurred." We are reassured that Prime Minister Netanyahu's commitment to put in place new procedures will ensure that such surprises, however unintended, will not recur.
The United States and Israel are close allies whose people share a deep and abiding friendship based on a shared commitment to core values including democracy, human rights and freedom of the press and religion. Our two countries are partners in the fight against terrorism and share an important strategic relationship.
A strong Israel is an asset to the national security of the United States and brings stability to the Middle East. We are concerned that the highly publicized tensions in the relationship will not advance the interests the U.S. and Israel share. Above all, we must remain focused on the threat posed by the Iranian nuclear weapons program to Middle East peace and stability.
From the moment of Israel's creation, successive U.S. administrations have appreciated the special bond between the U.S. and Israel.
For decades, strong, bipartisan Congressional support for Israel, including security assistance and other important measures, have been eloquent testimony to our commitment to Israel's security, which remains unswerving.
It is the very strength of this relationship that has, in fact, made Arab-Israeli peace agreements possible, both because it convinced those who sought Israel?s destruction to abandon any such hope and because it gave successive Israeli governments the confidence to take calculated risks for peace.
In its declaration of independence 62 years ago, Israel declared: "We extend our hand to all neighboring states and their peoples in an offer of peace and good neighborliness, and appeal to them to establish bonds of cooperation and mutual help with the sovereign Jewish people settled in its own land."
In the decades since, despite constantly having to defend itself from attack, Israel has repeatedly made good on that pledge by offering to undertake painful risks to reach peace with its neighbors.
Our valuable bilateral relationship with Israel needs and deserves constant reinforcement.
As the Vice-President said during his recent visit to Israel: "Progress occurs in the Middle East when everyone knows there is simply no space between the U.S. and Israel when it comes to security, none. No space."
Steadfast American backing has helped lead to Israeli peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan. And American involvement continues to be critical to the effort to achieve peace between Israel and the Palestinians.
We recognize that, despite the extraordinary closeness between our country and Israel, there will be differences over issues both large and small.
Our view is that such differences are best resolved quietly, in trust and confidence, as befits longstanding strategic allies. We hope and expect that, with mutual effort and good faith, the United States and Israel will move beyond this disruption quickly, to the lasting benefit of both nations.
We believe, as President Obama said, that "Israel's security is paramount" in our Middle East policy and that "it is in U.S. national security interests to assure that Israel's security as an independent Jewish state is maintained."
In that spirit, we look forward to working with you to achieve the common objectives of the U.S. and Israel, especially regional security and peace.
Sincerely,
STENY HOYER ERIC CANTOR
HOWARD L. BERMAN ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN
GARY ACKERMAN DAN BURTO
Now we know how an emperor from the days of imperial Rome would behave to the heads of one of his vassal states were he to have been rather displeased with the unfortunate one. Up close and personal, thanks to the advent of modern media, we have witnessed at a remove a present-day emperor addressing one of his country's friends and allies of long standing. A sour, ill-mannered host, U.S. President Barack Obama, gave the world a lesson in imperial truculence.

Extremely mindful of the anger levelled against him and his administration, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu came to a scheduled meeting well prepared for exoneration of guilt in embarrassing Vice-President Biden, only to be icily informed that if he wished to be placed back into a position of grace with the Obama administration he must agree to changing tactics and to follow to the nth-degree decrees imposed upon him.

The purse-lipped condescension which met Mr. Netanyahu's explanations would brook of no further feeble excuses revolving around security, sovereignty, civil obligations, or any other such incidentals. At Mr. Netanyahu's hesitation, Emperor Obama left the scene in high dudgeon, leaving the errant schoolkid, disciplined by the principal, to sit in a corner and contemplate his unacceptable behaviour. With a view, presumably, to assuming more acceptable manners.

This reprehensible rebuke to a political peer and ally marks a new low in political diplomacy. Mr. Netanyahu had earlier enjoyed a friendly welcome from members of Congress, and his presence had been warmly celebrated by senior Republicans. This was before reality set in, that the current principal in the Oval Office of the White House was mightily displeased and was not prepared to accept snubs or any mode of recalcitrance to clearly issued orders any longer.

That each and every dictate publicly and well-publicized issued from the executive branch of the American administration outlines firm directions that Israel is expected to take for the purpose of placating the Arab and Muslim world and providing for the Palestinians the kind of support they seek, represents a demand diminishing the bargaining status of Israel, is obvious. Each demand the U.S. makes further props up and encourages the Palestinians to its self-perceived 'entitlements'.

When the United States of America recognizes those 'rights' of attainment for the Palestinians, can the Palestinians themselves do any less? If those are 'rights' to be handed on a silver salver to the Palestinians what is there left to bargain for and with? The lopsided scale resulting from this interference in the affairs of a sovereign state, along with that of one that will exist alongside that state, has effectively collapsed any opportunities for balance, fairness and justice.

And in the process revealed U.S. President Barack Obama for a man obsessed with his personal vision of what is right and appropriate. Increasingly appearing to be the support of a patient he and the rest of the world view as being on palliative care which only their intervention is capable of restoring to life. While an existing, well-functioning, legal and democratic entity, thriving and in good health, is hung out to dry.

This does not promote peace. It promotes the appearance of peace-potential, but a frail one in reality. The cost to one side unbearable, to the other negligible, with the sturdy government and its effective management slighted and placed in danger, and the state-to-be rewarded for its successful propaganda, its refusals to negotiate in good faith, its insistence on pre-'concessions' from its adversary, its encouragement of violence.

As for the issue which purportedly began this current round of condemnation of Israel and its government: Jerusalem, founded with deliberation three thousand years ago by the Biblical King David is going on with its zoning plans which it has been working on for the past ten years. Its mayor speaks of a plan for some 50,000 housing units to be in place throughout the city; east and west. One third of the units intended for the Arab sector, two-thirds for the Jewish sector; effectively reflective of their relative sizes.
http://www.padfield.com/israel/Jerusalem/images/jerusalem-01.jpg

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