Tuesday, January 10, 2017

Mourning 'Moderate' Theocratic Tyrants

"The political gravitas that Rajsanjani had went beyond political factions. He was one of the pillars, one of the power brokers that everyone knew that as long as he's there, somehow there will be a balance preserving the system."
Adnan Tabatabai, Iran analyst, CEO, Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient, Germany

"I do think having one of the major revolutionary political heavyweights passing will have ramifications in a major level in terms of how domestic policy is shaped."
"Without him being in the picture, it means that the other political heavyweights in the system now have more force to push for their ideas."
"He has been, for people inside of Iran, the face of the evolution of the revolutionary figures. He himself evolved over the years while maintaining a very influential role in the political system, in ways perhaps other couldn't have survived doing."
Ellie Geranmayeh, policy fellow, European Council on Foreign Relations

Because Khamenei has outlived Rafsanjani, the Assembly of Experts will lose a powerful voice that could have helped nudge the selection of the next supreme leader in a more moderate direction."
Former Iranian president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani attends Iran's Assembly of Experts biannual meeting in Tehran, Iran on 8 March, 2011 (Reuters)
"It is not important whether Rafsanjani dies or lives many more years, for he was a cornerstone of a hostile, sectarian regime that has oppressed its own people and ravaged the global Islamic community. The important thing is that his death marks its [the regime's] downfall."
Hussein al-Muaeyed, former Iraqi Shia [converted to Sunni] cleric
All things being equal, 'moderate' is a relative term, useful in the way that choosing to bypass reality can be; obfuscating and downright false. Western media like CNN and BBC gravely intone sorrow in solidarity with the Iranian people mourning the death of one of the leading figures of the Iranian Revolution that changed Iran from a moderate, secular, forward-looking state to a belligerent Shiite theocracy presenting as a threat to its majority-Sunni neighbours resulting from the Republic's aspirations to become the commanding power in the Middle East.

This regime empowers its proxy terrorist groups to threaten and violate critics of the Republic and above all, to target the State of Israel.

In its determination to harvest a swathe of Shiite power, undercutting the reigning Middle East authority of Saudi Arabia, custodian of the Islamic world's two most sacred sites, Mecca and Medina, Iran dispatched its imperial Revolutionary Guard to inspire and train Lebanese Shiites into a martyrdom cult now embodied in Hezbollah, prepared at any time to do Iran's bidding and now wholly engaged in helping Syria's murderous dictator in his morbid civil war enterprise.

The Houthi rebels in Yemen have the support of the Iranian Republic, further impoverishing a country whose people, like those in Afghanistan, surely deserve better. Iran's meddling in Afghanistan, supporting and supplying the Taliban, yet another instance where the Republic extends its long reach, as it does toward North Korea, another rogue nation whose enterprising endeavours in intercontinental ballistic missiles and nuclear weaponry echoes Iran's own aspirations,yet another instance of its malevolent reach.

The completely destabilized Iraq of Saddam Hussein's era is now in complete thrall to the Iranian Republic, a polarization of the history that saw a bitter, prolonged and deadly conflict between the two resolved when majority Shiite Iraq was freed from the Sunni dictatorship of Saddam's Baathist party. Iran has its grubby fingers all over North Africa and the Middle East. At one time devastated by the UN- and US-inspired economic sanctions that resulted from its nuclear aspirations, Iran is now flush with cash, thanks to American capitulation, enabling it to get on with its ICBM program and its imperial colonization of subordinate Shiite nations.

To consider Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, one of the original stalwarts of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in Iran, a 'moderate' is a risible canard. He is as much a moderate as the oft-referred-to moderate, current president Hassan Rouhani, himself with a long history as an revolutionary insider. Of Rafsanjani, the former Supreme Ayatollah Khomeini stated: "the revolution is alive as long as Rafsanjani is alive". Now he is dead, and the revolution lives on in all its stark and bitter Islamofascist manifestations.

Rafsanjani led the military during Iran's war with Iraq in the 1980s. He was primarily responsible, then, for grooming, persuading and sending tens of thousands of teen-age Iranian boys onto mine-infested battlefields with the injunction that they become grateful martyrs for Iran, a fodder for the explosions that would inform fighting soldiers of the military where it was safe to tread, avoiding the direction that the youth took to find their way to Paradise.

Rafsanjani, so trusted that he was responsible for launching the Republic's nuclear program. It's a tossup which is more integral to the Revolution's endgame, this 82-year-old invested in the revolution since 1979, or the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, whose leaders have become immensely wealthy even under sanction conditions, and whose decision-making and control over the country's nuclear program is paramount to its designated destiny.

He was a key member of the Assembly of Experts, responsible among other matters of great moment to the revolution, of selecting a successor to Ayatollah Khamenei, to lead the country forward in its Shiite-conquering trajectory. To describe this man as a 'counterweight' to the influence of the Iranian clerics considered to be 'hardliners' makes one shudder to think of how much more 'hardline' that punishing select group is than the likes of Rafsanjani, himself responsible for countless deaths in the name of the revolution.

A revolting man, in a revolting regime toward whom the apologists in the West are now paying due homage.

When a terrorist group of the rank sensibilities and sinister, death-loving arrogance of Hezbollah laud the character and memory of such a one as Rafsamjani -- ("We lost a great man among the elderly figures of the Islamic Ummah (community)", Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah said in a message, according to the Arabic-language al-Ahed news website -- is it not abundantly clear just what kind of creature this man was?

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