Friday, August 22, 2008

"Why Would We Do That?"

Fair enough question, albeit an ingenuous one, given past history. Why would Russia do such a thing? Why would Russia contemplate acquiescing to a suggestion, nothing short of gleefully mischievous, from one of Israel's declared enemies, to place it in an even more unbalanced situation than currently exists? But then that question begs responses to more questions. Such as why would Russia have encouraged and armed and assisted with their own military personnel, attacks by Arab countries on Israel?

Why, come to think of it, would an irate Russia deliver dire warning to Poland that it would earn itself the very real potential of attack, including nuclear, for its willingness to host American anti-ballistic missile silos? Why would Russia be enraged by the celebratory mounting of Ukraine's annual military parade? Why would Russia permit itself to become so inordinately ravaged by hatred and anger that it undertook to brutally invade a smaller neighbour?

Why resist the temptation to deliver its message of irritation with the Orange Revolution in Ukraine? Why not interrupt the delivery of energy during a hard winter season in Ukraine, and just incidentally tease the European Union as well with the prolonged prospect of a churlish Russia denying them full energy needs? Why growl with nationalistic umbrage at Estonia for presuming to re-position a Soviet era statue by cutting off its Internet access?

The pretext of self-righteously lending itself to a peaceful solution to settling a territorial misadventure between Georgia and its two breakaway provinces seems to have persuaded Russia that the world would reasonably accept its charge of genocidal intent through ethnic cleansing by Georgia. That Russia had little option but to invade and occupy, destroy Georgia's military infrastructure, murder its citizens, render a quarter-million homeless. All in the name of peace and concern for human rights.

This is the same honour-challenged Russia that charged into bloody battle against Chechnya, intent on accomplishing for itself what Russia claims South Ossetia and Abkhazia must rightfully achieve, with their domineering assistance. Why would they do that? Something like having a new toy and chafing at the bit to give it a try. All that expensive new military equipment just sitting around waiting for an opportunity to be thrown into an active theatre of war. Irresistible.

A shrug of the Russian shoulder to the world's singularly absurd position in throwing its support behind Georgia, in recognition of international laws establishing the inviolability of state territorial integrity. Russia can casually deliver as good as it gets from its outraged critics. So its defence ministry has delivered tit for tat and taken steps to "halt international military co-operation events between Russia and NATO countries until further instructions."

Does the encouragement Russia accepts as support from an unctuously-admiring Bashar Assad give impetus to Russia's decline of courteous international interplay? Is Russia that very anxious to receive support to ensure it is not completely isolated that a world-class peace-disturber like Syria can exert influence over it to the extent that it would consider facing off with the United States with its own advanced missile system in place in that incendiary part of the world?

A distinct possibility, given Russia's legendary relationship with Persia, now the Islamic Republic of Iran, with whom it traded intrigue and insult over the centuries when it sparred with Great Britain over ascendancy in the geography. Trade and colonial aspirations being the name of that game. But no, Russia would contemplate no such move, according to Russia's ambassador to Israel, responding to Israeli queries.

No Iksander missiles to be deployed in Syria. Despite the inviting blandishments of Syria's president who would just leap at the opportunity to host them, to have them encircle the country, offsetting American and international criticism of Syria's delicately disturbing relationship with Iran, with Hezbollah, with Hamas, and the fiction that it has no further hegemonic designs on Lebanon.

Russia's spirit of adventure has entanglements the world over. No need to curry favour any longer, to anxiously await notice by other nations. Acceptance and courtesy was simply too slow and too reluctant to advance Russia's relations with the West. Not that Great Britain, France and Germany, among others, are not inordinately anxious to forestall complete estrangement.

It would be so nice if none of this latest catastrophic evidence of Russia's destabilizing agenda in Eastern Europe had never surfaced. To live with the illusion that the Russian bear had accustomed itself finally to finesse agreeable relations with other developed countries of the world was a comfort. To have that comfort so rudely shattered is a great disappointment.

This is the conundrum, however; does a completely alienated and isolated Russia do anything but nurse its grievances against Western Europe and North America? Does the world need to re-adjust its reality compass to recognizing that irritable and dangerous beast for what it is, and simply ignore its excesses for fear of further addling and aggravating it?

Practically, realistically, nastily-disturbing events do not dissipate into history without being recorded, and recalled. Ignoring them does not ensure a future without further stress from that same source. How to tame the untameable beast? Russia's current administration has reverted to its historical post-revolutionary position on the world stage. Impossible to ignore Russia's belligerent predations on other states.

Territorial accession, ownership claims of natural resources, human greed, tyrannical aspirations; the world is such a complicated place. Such a small and helpless place with no means by which it can effectively still the ravaging intent of the great hordes of psycho-social misfits among us.

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