Pakistani Militant, Price on Head, Lives in Open
The New York Times
Diego Ibarra Sanchez for The New York Times
By DECLAN WALSH
LAHORE, Pakistan — Ten million dollars does not seem to buy much in this
bustling Pakistani city. That is the sum the United States is offering for help in convicting Hafiz Muhammad Saeed,
perhaps the country’s best-known jihadi leader. Yet Mr. Saeed lives an
open, and apparently fearless, life in a middle-class neighborhood here.
“I move about like an ordinary person — that’s my style,” said Mr.
Saeed, a burly 64-year-old, reclining on a bolster as he ate a chicken
supper. “My fate is in the hands of God, not America.”
Mr. Saeed is the founder, and is still widely believed to be the true leader, of Lashkar-e-Taiba,
the militant group that carried out the 2008 attacks in Mumbai, India,
in which more than 160 people, including six Americans, were killed. The
United Nations has placed him on a terrorist list and imposed sanctions
on his group. But few believe he will face trial any time soon in a
country that maintains a perilous ambiguity toward jihadi militancy,
casting a benign eye on some groups, even as it battles others that
attack the state.
Mr. Saeed’s very public life seems more than just an act of mocking
defiance against the Obama administration and its bounty, analysts say.
As American troops prepare to leave Afghanistan next door, Lashkar is at
a crossroads, and its fighters’ next move — whether to focus on
fighting the West, disarm and enter the political process, or return to
battle in Kashmir — will depend largely on Mr. Saeed.
At his Lahore compound — a fortified house, office and mosque — Mr.
Saeed is shielded not only by his supporters, burly men wielding
Kalashnikovs outside his door, but also by the Pakistani state. On a
recent evening, police officers screened visitors at a checkpoint near
his house, while other officers patrolled an adjoining park, watching by
floodlight for intruders.
His security seemingly ensured, Mr. Saeed has over the past year
addressed large public meetings and appeared on prime-time television,
and is now even giving interviews to Western news media outlets he had
previously eschewed.
He says that he wants to correct “misperceptions.” During an interview
with The New York Times at his home last week, Mr. Saeed insisted that
his name had been cleared by the Pakistani courts. “Why does the United
States not respect our judicial system?” he asked.
Still, he says he has nothing against Americans, and warmly described a
visit he made to the United States in 1994, during which he spoke at
Islamic centers in Houston, Chicago and Boston. “At that time, I liked
it,” he said with a wry smile.
During that stretch, his group was focused on attacking Indian soldiers
in the disputed territory of Kashmir — the fight that led the military’s
Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate to help establish
Lashkar-e-Taiba in 1989. But that battle died down over the past decade,
and Lashkar began projecting itself through its charity wing,
Jamaat-ud-Dawa, which runs a tightly organized network of hospitals and
schools across Pakistan.
The Mumbai attacks propelled Lashkar-e-Taiba to notoriety. But since
then, Mr. Saeed’s provocations toward India have been largely verbal.
Last week he stirred anger there by suggesting that Bollywood’s
highest-paid actor, Shah Rukh Khan, a Muslim, should move to Pakistan.
In the interview, he said he prized talking over fighting in Kashmir.
“The militant struggle helped grab the world’s attention,” he said. “But
now the political movement is stronger, and it should be at the
forefront of the struggle.”
Pakistan analysts caution that Mr. Saeed’s new openness is no random
occurrence, however. “This isn’t out of the blue,” said Shamila N.
Chaudhary, a former Obama administration official and an analyst at the
Eurasia Group, a consulting firm. “These guys don’t start talking
publicly just like that.”
What it amounts to, however, may depend on events across the border in
Afghanistan, where his group has been increasingly active in recent
years. In public, Mr. Saeed has been a leading light in the Defense of
Pakistan Council, a coalition of right-wing groups that lobbied against
the reopening of NATO supply routes through Pakistan last year. More
quietly, Lashkar fighters have joined the battle, attacking Western
troops and Indian diplomatic facilities in Afghanistan, intelligence
officials say.
The question now is what will happen to them once American troops leave.
One possibility is a return to Lashkar’s traditional battleground of
Kashmir, risking fresh conflict between nuclear-armed Pakistan and
India.
But a more hopeful possibility, floated by some Western and Pakistani
officials, is that Mr. Saeed would lead his group further into politics,
and away from militancy.
“When there are no Americans in Afghanistan, what will happen?” said
Mushtaq Sukhera, a senior officer with the Punjabi police who is running
a fledgling demobilization program for Islamist extremists. “It’s an
open question.”
A shift could be risky for Mr. Saeed: Some of his fighters have already
split from Lashkar in favor of other groups that attack the Pakistani
state. And much will depend on the advice of his military sponsors.
For their part, Pakistan’s generals insist they have abandoned their
dalliance with jihadi proxy groups. In a striking speech in August, the
army chief, Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, said the country’s greatest
threat came from domestic extremism. “We as a nation must stand united
against this threat,” he said. “No state can afford a parallel system of
governance and militias.”
Five years of near-continuous battle against the Pakistani Taliban along
the Afghan border, where more than 3,300 members of Pakistan’s security
forces have been killed in the past decade, has affected army thinking,
some analysts believe. Senior officers have lost colleagues and
relatives, softening the army’s singular focus on India.
“This is a changed army,” said Shaukat Javed, a former head of the
Intelligence Bureau civilian spy agency in Punjab Province. “The
mind-set has changed due to experience, and pressure.”
But for all that, there is ample evidence that parts of the military
remain wedded to jihadi proxies. In Waziristan, the army maintains close
ties to the Haqqani Network, a major player in the Afghan insurgency.
In western Baluchistan Province, it has used Sunni extremists to quell
an uprising by Baluch nationalists — even though the same extremists
also massacre minority Shiites.
And Mr. Saeed’s freedom to roam around Lahore — and, indeed, across
Pakistan — suggests some generals still believe the “good” jihadis are
worth having around.
Western intelligence officials say Lashkar’s training camps in northern
Pakistan have not been shut down. One of those camps was the training
ground of David C. Headley, an American citizen recently sentenced to
prison by an American court for his role in the Mumbai attacks.
“There’s a strategic culture of using proxies,” said Stephen Tankel, an
American academic and author of a book on Lashkar-e-Taiba. “And if
that’s the tool you’re used to grabbing from the toolbox, it can be hard
to let go.”
For all his apparent ease, Mr. Saeed has to walk a tightrope of sorts
within the jihadi firmament. His support of the state puts him at odds
with the Pakistani Taliban, which, he claims, are secretly supported by
America and India — a familiar refrain in the right-wing media. “They
want to destabilize Pakistan,” he said.
But that position leaves Mr. Saeed vulnerable to pressure from fighters
within his own ranks who may still have Taliban sympathies. Western
security officials say Lashkar has already suffered some defections in
recent years..
“If he continues in this direction, the issue is how many people he can bring with him,” Mr. Tankel said.
But ultimately, he added, much depends on the Pakistani Army: “The army
can’t dismantle these groups all at once, because of the danger of
blowback. So for now they are putting them on ice. It’s too early to
tell which way they will ultimately go.”
Labels: Afghanistan, Conflict, Defence, India, Islamism, Pakistan, Security, Terrorism
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