American Imperialist Exceptionalism : Don-Roe Doctrine, The Trump Corollary

"[There is a will and a determination to] reassert and enforce the Monroe Doctrine to restore American preeminence in the Western Hemisphere, and to protect our homeland and our access to key geographies throughout the region."

"[And to] deny non-Hemispheric competitors the ability to position forces ... or to own or control strategically vital assets in our Hemisphere." 

U.S. (Trump) National Security Strategy 

 

"It's a policy now of might is right -- not only tariff baton to tantrum diplomacy, but might is right."

"And Trump's statements recently about Greenland, about 'fixing' Mexico, even about Colombia and Cuba should put Canada on alert footing."

" -- There's a new sheriff in the hemisphere."

"Canada should not be complacent. [This] should set off alarm bells in Edmonton, Ottawa and beyond."

"[Trump could use the Venezuelan oil economy] as leverage against Canada."  

Michael Bociurkiw, global affairs analyst, senior fellow, Atlantic Council 

Vehicles drive past the El Palito refinery in Puerto Cabello, Venezuela. (AP Photo/Matias Delacroix)

"I don't think Canada is in his sights at the moment. Canada has done quite a good job of diffusing that ... and is benefiting from the fact that Trump is looking elsewhere."

"I think Canada's sort of at the bottom of the list ... but not out of the woods."

Bronwen Maddox, director, chief executive, Chatham House

 

"[Trump's fixation] to exert U.S. military, economic and political will everywhere in the Western Hemisphere without impediment [uses oil as a pretext]."

"[Although the Trump administration talks about taking over Greenland] let's think seriously about what that means. It doesn't mean kidnapping the leader. It doesn't mean putting a thousand forces on the ground and planting a flag." 

"I don't think that's the type of thing the administration is willing to do. They don't want to do anything hard. They just want to do big, flashy things."

Jennifer Kavanagh, senior fellow, director, military analysis, Defense Priorities, adjunct professor Georgetown University Center for Security Studies

U.S. President Donald Trump addresses House Republican lawmakers during their annual policy retreat on Jan. 6 in Washington. His increasingly bellicose stance on taking over Greenland and the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro are triggering questions about what he may have in mind for Canada. (Evan Vucci/The Associated Press)

 

The world is to understand that it was given due notice through the National Security Strategy released by the Trump administration of its seriousness in reasserting itself as the Northern Hemisphere hegemon. Its allies can consider themselves part players in a supporting role to achieve that dominant position on behalf of their more powerful, aggressive neighbour. The first real-time drama to illustrate the direction in which the U.S. is headed was its surprise military raid in Caracas to take Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro into U.S. 'custody'.

 

Instagram / Emery Forbes

American domination of the Western Hemisphere was thus set in motion. A double purpose achieved: freeing Venezuelans from the corrupt, distorted and ruinous reign of a committed Bolivarian revolutionary and setting the rehearsal stage for neighbourly cooperation which some might consider enforced manipulation. Nothing, it seems obvious, is out of the question as a coercive tool; economic, legal, illegal, military coercion practised with ease by the schoolyard bully for the good of all concerned. 

 

Some of the goals have been neatly lined up, merely awaiting fulfillment; stated initially as a proprietary wish list: seizing the Panama Canal, claiming Greenland, and absorbing Canada as the '51st state'. Those concerned nations put on notice. Mr. Trump much prefers diplomacy to act as the cooperative motivator, but to achieve his various goals, he offers his opinion that nothing is out of order, including the last-gasp military option, although economic deprivation could work to his advantage as well. 

 

Following the U.S. intervention in Venezuela, some analysts believe -- Chatham House in this instance -- that "Canada, Panama, and Greenland, which fall within that geographical definition, have good cause for concern about the president's intentions -- and the lengths to which he may go in pursuing them." 

 

Trump aide Stephen Miller's wife Katie Miller posted an image of the American flag superimposed on a map of Greenland, on X. "SOON" appeared on that image, posted shortly after the Venezuela intervention. On CNN, Stephen Miller stated that Greenland "should be part of the United States. Nobody's going to fight the United States militarily over the future of Greenland". That's true. Who would challenge the U.S. over its annexation of a Danish island? Denmark has vigorously and determinedly refused to hand Greenland over to the U.S. and Greenland's autonomous leaders have done the same. 

 

But these are two members of NATO. NATO is invested in its stout military alliance among democratic states with the proviso that an attack against one is answerable in defence by the entire membership. NATO would crater under that kind of pressure from the United States, an indefensible move to destroy the sovereignty of a member-nation. Trump hasn't ruled out diplomacy or direct purchase before resorting to military action; the first two options have been refused, the third would destroy the integrity of the alliance. Inconveniences that Mr. Trump is convinced he can overcome.

 

The Trumpian mercantile and military domination, its ongoing moves to ensure that there are none who would attempt to block his intentions represent a disorder in the community of which the U.S. is an integral part. U.S. Secretary of State Marc Rubio, the standout member of the senior Trump administration whose principles leave nothing yet to be desired, had done his best to negate the prospect of the military option. Chatham House's Bronwen Maddox believes that while Greenland may face a real threat, the risk that Canada faces seems more hypothetical -- despite President Trump having mused that he wouldn't need a military move when he could accomplish an economic collapse for Canada.

 

Both Maddox and Kavanaugh are of the convinced opinion that Europe should have expressed more concern regarding Trump's Venezuela adventure, even if sympathy lies with freeing Venezuela from a corrupt dictator. In that failure to express concern enough to condemn the military aggression in a sovereign country, it now sets the stage for future U.S. Action: "They've accepted a precedent now that opens the door for Trump to do the same thing toward them or Greenland and to coerce them even more...I think it's a mistake", noted Kavanaugh. 

 

The fixation of controlling part of the Arctic through Greenland focuses a secondary risk for Canada. A challenge of Canada's Northwest Passage and Ellesmere Island, interconnecting the Canadian Arctic archipelago will see other challenges as climate change melts glaciers and the sea ice, creating shipping channels from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Russian interests in expanding its Arctic territory, China's declaration of its interests as a "near-Arctic" player all interplay with America's eyes on the Canadian Arctic. 

"The president's been very clear. He wants Greenland to be part of the United States."

"There are a lot of things [Trump] can do to bring Greenland closer to the U.S."

"Venezuela is a unique situation. I think what is likely to happen, what I hope will happen, is that the United States pays more attention to destabilizing regimes in the hemisphere like Cuba. Like Nicaragua."

"I think it's a great thing for Canada to have America focused on the Arctic. [Canada's ramped up defence spending] could do more in the high North to free the U.S. up to handle other things."

"I think that would be a tremendous boon for both countries...as kind of the NATO anchor in the high North, Canada should want a Western Hemisphere-focused United States."

Alexander Gray, former chief of staff, U.S. National Security Council