"Surviving
the Israeli political scene for so many years has taught him a number
of tricks, and he is, once again, like him or dislike him, a survivor."
"[In
Israel's multi-party parliament, disparate factions reach delicately
balanced compromises, where] simply somebody sneezing can make a
coalition crisis."
"Netanyahu has faced probably dozens, if not hundreds, of coalition crises in his career."
"He knows the Israeli political scene like the back of his hand."
Ira Robinson, professor emeritus of Jewish Studies, Concordia University
"The
civilian leadership is putting the blame on the military, whose job and
task it is to protect the borders of the nation on any given day."
"There
is a leadership, a national leadership under whose watch this tragedy
[7 October 2023] happened and under whose watch the successive wars have
unfolded, so it's in this context that the MOU between the United
States and Iran is coming."
"There
are no major pieces of legislation that could be associated with him,
or, or even opposing some, but people will judge him as on his record as
a former IDF chief, and in Israel that matters a lot."
"[Bennet
has no established party organization behind him and is a] one man
show. To do well and to succeed well in Israeli politics in the long
run, you need a party organization, because it's a very party-centred
and party-oriented political system."
Csaba Nikolenui, political science professor/director, Azrieli Institute of Israel Studies, Concordia
"There
is much overlapping between the public who prefer, for example,
Eisenkot or Bennett or even [Avigdor] Lieberman. The division lines are
not clear, and there is no agreement between these leaders who is going
to become prime minister if they will eventually get more votes than the
other side."
"He
[Bennett] does have failure written under his name, but he seems to be a
good compromise for people who would like to have someone of the
moderate right who is capable of really managing things."
"Unless there is some dark horse around the corner [Netanyahu is seen as] irreplaceable [by his supporters]."
"[Ben-Gvir]
is really pushing Netanyahu into making decisions and taking actions
that were unthought of. Netanyahu doesn't like him, nor Smotrich, but he
didn't have any other possibility [to form government]."
"In
order to replace them, he should bring over party leaders from the
other side, and [it] doesn't look as if he is going to get it."
Tamar Hermann, senior fellow, Israel Democracy Institute
 |
Deep gulfs among Jews, as well as between Jews and Arabs, over political values and religion’s role in public life Pew |
Israel's
system of government voting is guaranteed to make election outcomes
difficult, and they always are, with much uncertainty and a great deal
of negotiations taking place between the parties that generate the most
popular vote and those that bring up the rear. It's not just that Israel
is wedded to proportional representation, it's also that Jews
themselves are culturally and habitually among the most argumentative
people on Earth. Complicated yet further by the divisions in society of
religious devotion in the Judaic tradition. Secular Jews dominate
society in Israel, but there are large blocs of Orthodox and
Ultra-Orthodox Jews and divisions in between.
And
to complicate matters yet further, although Israel is a democratic
Jewish nation, it also incorporates into its citizenry Arab Muslims,
Christians, Druze, Bedouin, Circassians, Kurds, B'hai, and other
minority groups, all of whom have voting rights and for the most part
exercise them. Israel's standing army, the Israel Defense Forces is
mostly staffed by Jews, but also include Druze and Israeli Arabs in the
military. It is the Ultra-Orthodox Jewish element in Israel from among
whom resistance to join the military ensues. For non-Jews, military
service is generally not a requirement, but is volunteer-driven as loyal
Israelis. Not so for the ultra-religious. Israel is a complex country.
 |
| Protesters supporting the conscription of ultra-Orthodox men into the
military block a road in the Haredi city of Bnei Brak, central Israel,
clashing with locals, on June 26, 2026. (Avshalom Sassoni/Flash90) |
And
it is set to go to the polls by October 27 when a divided electorate
will make the decision with their votes whether or not Benjamin
Netanyahu will continue on as Prime Minister. The man is both popular
and disdained among segments of the population. It is not an easy task
to govern a nation that is so perpetually politically, socially,
culturally divided. The 7 October assault by thousands of Palestinian
terrorists and ordinary Palestinians, led by the Hamas terrorists who
govern Gaza traumatized Israelis in the scope of its savage brutality
and sadistic fury.
The
much-vaunted Israeli intelligence services, and the IDF, much less the
government-of-the-day -- Netanyahu's, failed to detect suspicious
activities leading up to the horrors of that day; this, despite the fact
that border guards had reported alarming and potentially dangerous
actions taking place, only to have their concerns set aside by
government authorities. And that undeniable failure haunts the
government to this day. As with any responsible governing authorities --
the buck stops at the top. The succeeding wars with Hamas in Gaza,
Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Islamic Republic and the Houthis have all been
inconclusive, largely given U.S. White House interference.
Benjamin
Netanyahu has the hearts of many Israelis as well as diaspora Jews,
while others loathe him. He has been a resolute, courageous leader of a
people facing international opposition, left to fend for themselves
against forces of violent opposition both regionally and globally,
emanating from both foes and purported allies. That he has also been
under indictment in a corruption trial ongoing for six years has been an
additional burden -- for him personally and for Israelis wanting to see
that put behind them. The corruption charges represent an excess
perhaps linked to personal political vendettas.
"[Netanyahu]
is cautious not to push this draft issue on the agenda, because he
doesn't want to alienate the ultra-Orthodox, and the ultra-Orthodox are
strong."
"So
long as he has that, and the support of the religious Zionist
community, which is kind of unshakable, because these parties have
nowhere else to go -- they will never support anyone to the left of
Netanyahu -- Netanyahu kind of has them, has that corner fairly, fairly
well guaranteed for him."
Csaba Nikolenyi
Mr.
Netanyahu has been forced by the Israeli political voting system to
make a governing coalition with groups he would normally prefer to have
no relationship with; their agendas are not necessarily his. The system
demands compromises, some manageably attainable and others painful, the
result of awkward collaborations to maintain a government in power.
Israelis, according to a recent poll, anxious as always for national
security accept that war must be waged to secure that security. Israel
has never known any other way of life, since 1948 with successive waves
of military onslaughts from neighbours, then proxy militias of the
Islamic Republic.
 |
| Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at an IDF officers’ graduation course in southern Israel, June 25, 2026. (Flash90) |
As
for PM Netanyahu's coalition government; none other was available for
him to maintain his government. In the current administration, Finance
Minister Bezalel Smotrich has overseen a surge of settlement
construction in the West Bank where mounting violence has emanated from.
These are the leaders of the extreme rightwing parties serving in
Netanyahu's government. The second is Itamar Ben-Gvir as national
security minister, convicted of anti-Arab incitement in 2007.
In
this era, there has been no Israeli party capable of winning an
outright majority to enable it to govern according to its distinct
political views, without being forced to resort to coalition-making to
preserve its government with the understanding that its coalition
partners' support will last only as long as their demands are met in
reflection of their own political agendas. As it is, Netanyahu's
government lost two of its ultra-Orthodox parties when he refused to
legalize exemptions from mandatory conscription for religious students.
"The
major small parties that you would want or probably need in a coalition
are the religious parties, and that's a very volatile issue."
"And
these parties will tell whoever it is, be it Netanyahu, be it Eisenkot,
whoever it is -- 'You've got to give us what we want', and now the
negotiation becomes, do you get 100 percent of what you want? Do you get
80 percent of what you want? What are the parameters."
"That's all backroom politics and Israelis are used to it."
Ira Robinson
 |
| Left to right: Former prime minister Naftali Bennett speaks during a
press conference at the Knesset in Jerusalem, May 20, 2026. (Yonatan
Sindel/Flash90); Opposition Leader Yesh Atid MK Yair Lapid leads a
faction meeting at the Knesset on May 25, 2026 (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90);
Gadi Eisenkot, head of the Yashar party, speaks during a conference at
Tel Aviv University, May 12, 2026. (Avshalom Sassoni/Flash90); Leader of
the Democrats party Yair Golan leads a faction meeting at the Knesset
in Jerusalem, on May 25, 2026. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90); Yisrael Beytenu
chair Avigdor Liberman leads a faction meeting at the Knesset on May
25, 2026. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90) |