Tuesday, May 24, 2016

The Failed Arab Political Revolution

"...Given the Arab spring’s uneven progress, many say the answer is authoritarian modernisation: an Augusto Pinochet, Lee Kuan Yew or Deng Xiaoping to keep order and make the economy grow. Unlike South-East Asians, the Arabs can boast no philosopher-king who has willingly nurtured democracy as his economy has flourished. Instead, the dictator’s brothers and the first lady’s cousins get all the best businesses. And the despots—always wary of stirring up the masses—have tended to duck the big challenges of reform, such as gradually removing the energy subsidies that in Egypt alone swallow 8% of GDP. Even now the oil-rich monarchies are trying to buy peace; but as an educated and disenfranchised youth sniffs freedom, the old way of doing things looks ever more impossible, unless, as in Syria, the ruler is prepared to shed vast amounts of blood to stay in charge. Some of the more go-ahead Arab monarchies, for example in Morocco, Jordan and Kuwait, are groping towards constitutional systems that give their subjects a bigger say."
The Economist, 2013


The Western imagination was stirred by the very thought of a revolution taking place in the Middle East, that the common man and woman on the street would gather despite their repressive and oppressive tyrannies and demand their human rights be recognized, that the kinds of of corruption-soaked governments they were long accustomed to finally give way to a semblance of democratic rule paying homage to human rights.

The Arab Spring was, in their opinion, a noble uprising whose time had at long last, been hastened by the resolve of an oppressed people. The despairing act of self-immolation of a street vendor harassed by petty officialdom trampling on his rights in Tunisia stirred the conscience of a nation. That nation was viewed as an autocratic dictatorship but one whose citizens were civilized not by Islamism, but by a penchant for Western values.


A protester at a demonstration in Cairo's Tahrir Square in April, 2011, two months after President Mubarak was ousted ... Credit AFP

The upheavals that followed elsewhere were far less successful in their outcomes, however. In nations where tribalism, sectarian animosities, Islamist ideologies and corruption were endemic to the region. Egypt's revolution to remove President Hosni Mubarak succeeded on the surface; he was arrested amid the turmoil of dissent and protest, while the repressed Muslim Brotherhood took advantage of the chaos to unleash prisoners from among whom would come the first elected Egyptian president.

Mohammad Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood's vast support among Egypt's poor, among university students and Islamists brought him to the power of the presidency and the Brotherhood to greater prominence, but their allegiance was to the Brotherhood movement, not to Egypt and their arrogance alienated the greater Egyptian population who demanded their ouster after a year's trial. Bringing the 360-degree return to military rule for 80 million Arabs.

A military dictatorship of necessity to confront the growing challenge of Islamist entitlement and the violent backlash of jihadist militias where the Sinai peninsula, lawless and threatening to the stability of the country plotted to destroy the new dictatorship just as it had the old one, making accommodation with the one in between, now disrupted.

Shaimaa al-Sabbagh is carried by a friend after she was shot in Cairo on January 24, 2015. She'd marked the anniversary of the Arab Spring in Tahrir Square. She died of her wounds. Reuters

The world has since looked on, aghast, as Syrian tyrant Bashar al Assad has responded in his own inimitable way to his Sunni majority's plea for equality with Syrian Alawites, opening the gates of Hell within Syria through his merciless attacks on his civilian population, and the introduction of foreign jihadis on the crumbling geographic region. Which was soon introduced to the epitome of Islamist barbarity in the form of Islamic State.
Reuters: Government forces shoot dead five protesters in southern city of Deraa, marking the beginning of an uprising across the country against President Bashar al-Assad. By October, 2011, 3,000 people lie dead and fears of a civil war mount but Assad clings on amid divisions in the international community.

As the civil rights and socialist elements of those countries look with disappointed dismay at their hopes shattered that their societies might be altered and some vestiges of real democratic rule enter to transform what have been traditionally corrupt and dictatorial administrations, the situation of those countries remains mired in a kind of social dysfunction where the civilian population is preyed upon and kept in a state of endemic servitude to their masters.

It might be questioned where human decency is in all of this, where the powerful grip their status with deadly resolve prepared to destroy any vestige of confrontation or challenge to their authority. The region is stuck in a religious, cultural, heritage time-warp hearking back to the 7th Century and reflecting tribalism and suspicion of the sects, each insistent that the other represents a foul assault on Islam.

The Middle East is peopled with men and women capable of demonstrating great kindness and courtesy, but just as often great cruelty and lack of compassion. They are too divided as a culture, too steeped in tribal entitlements and resentments, too corrupt, too quick to violence, too sexually repressed in a patriarchal heritage of control, and far, far too removed from civility toward one another.

Resentment of the success of the West permeates the Middle East, as does the belief that the West conspires to keep Islam in thrall to its own needs.

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Friday, March 20, 2015

Tunisia's Arab Spring Leaking

"I want the people of Tunisia to understand firstly and lastly that we are in a war with terror, and these savage minority groups will not frighten us."
"The fight against them will continue until they are exterminated."
President Beji Caid Essebsi, Tunis

"After they entered the museum, I saw their faces: They were about ten metres away from me, shooting at anything that moved."
Josep Lluis Cusido, tourist, mayor of Spanish town of Vallmoll
Tunisian security forces stand guard as journalists gather at the visitors entrance of the National Bardo Museum in Tunis on March 19, 2015, in the aftermath of an attack on foreign tourists (AFP Photo/Fethi Belaid)

Foreign tourists exiting a bus at the National Bardo Museum, on an onshore trip off their cruise liner were met by militants wearing military-style uniforms and with assault rifles gunning them down. After shooting eighteen of the tourists and two local Tunisians dead, the attackers charged the interior of the museum to take hostages. Eventually two of the terrorists were killed in a firefight with security forces but not before 50 innocent people were injured.

A hunt was immediately begun for the two or three accomplices who had managed to escape after the attack. The tourists who lost their lives in a country hugely dependent on its income from tourism, were from Poland, Italy, Spain, Germany and Colombia. The cruise ship, with an estimated three thousand tourists aboard, left Tunisian waters and is unlikely to return any time soon.

Islamic State Twitter accounts were rife with congratulatory messages. And urgings that Tunisians take steps to "follow their brothers" in organizing additional such attacks. The Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, in fact, is taking full credit for the deadly attack at the country's largest museum. Tunisia has appeared as the sole country in the North Africa/Middle East continuum to have emerged from its Arab Spring as an intact democracy.

After unseating its dictatorial ruler, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, a country that had always looked to the West to emulate its democratic, civil style in a cosmopolitan atmosphere of tolerance, struggled to find its new place in the world of reformed democratic action. As the harbinger of the Arab Spring phenomenon that trickled through to the Middle East with disastrous outcomes, it is the only country that persevered with the outcome of freeing itself from the shackles of authoritarian rule.

The original protesters who empathized with the self-immolating despair of a fruit vendor harassed over a trade permit were affluent and sophisticated, hoping for their country to fully pattern the Western tradition of liberty and democracy and the tradition of human rights practised in Europe. The country's Islamist parties at all levels of the spectrum from moderate to fanatical made their own visions for the country's future known.

Parliament divided between secularists and Islamists, and each made an effort to get along. But radical Islamism gained the momentum to the extent that secular politicians were harassed and sometimes assassinated, calling for an end to the tolerance from radical religious parties whose aspirations represented a threat to the well-being of the country.

The slums of Tunis saw the rise of the radical Ansar al-Sharia group who saw much in common with al-Qaeda and now Islamic State, with their Libyan counterparts. Banned several years ago when the country cracked down on extremists when two leftist political leaders were killed, the government remains in a struggle to stamp it out altogether, difficult with its contiguous border with Libya now home to Islamic State militants.

Tunisian Islamists, however, have swollen the fighting force of Islamic State to an extent few other countries in the region have. Of eleven million inhabitants, Tunisia has gained the distinction of having contributed a larger number of jihadist fighters to Syria and Iraq, dedicated to the caliphate of Islamic State, than any other country in the region.

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